The Many Faces of American Identity

Since the Civil War, Americas indistinguishability and the identicalness of its citizens has gone through and through multiple transitions, separately building upon or rejecting the ideas and principles of those issues which had gain before.From the racial segregation and discrimination of African Americans from the time of Reconstruction through the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s, the plight of the poor and the governmentally disenfranchised, the struggle for contact rights for women and homosexuals, and the post-Cold War issues of globalization and economic viability in a changing world, the opinion of what it means to be American has adapted to both(prenominal) the successes and failures of each.At the basis of each of these struggles is the idea that at periods throughout American history each of these groups pass water felt the need to be heard and represented, having been marginalized by loving and political injustices and ideologies that at each turn represented a hypocrisy oer the basic tenets of freedom and liberty. Unrepresented and kept outside of the political process and the mainstream genial identity, these groups have sought to alternately belong to a concept of the American identity and to redefine it.In examining each of these developments, from Jacob Riis 1890 expose of the New York City slums to the tender freedoms and challenges of the post-Cold War America of presidents Clinton and G. W. Bush, I will illustrate how each social and political revelation combine to create an American identity that is enigmatical of its future while carrying an aw arness of its past. Jacob Riis 1890 book How The Other Half consist gave the average, middle-class American room for pause. In his description of the slums and challenges faced by the economically and socially slip byicapped masses of New York City, show an underbody to the American dream.The poerty and in comparability that pervade the plight of the tenement dweller, both black and white, is at odds with the ideals of freedom. In circumstance, Riis makes a case for African-Americans who having recently been emancipated had fled the institutionalized racism of the South to come work and bouncy in New York. However, they have escaped one kind of bondage, all the way and legally defined, to be forced into a socially ambiguous still no less prevalent form of degradation and discrimination.But even as Riis decries the struggle of the newly arrived blacks, who based upon their skin color alone are placed at the bottom of the social ladder, his own views speak of a different kind of discrimination. While at once condemning the landlords who moolah by courting black tenants due to the ability to charge more(prenominal) money, Riis explanation of the character of blacks is simplistic and demeaning, likening them more to children than adults commensurate in every respect to their white counter constituents, If his emotions are not very deep rooted, they are at least sincere while they last, and until the tempter gets the upper hand over again(Riis, p.155). He also expresses a desire to maintain a level of segregation, calling the mixing of races on Thompson Street where the this co-mingling of the utterly misdirect of both sexes, white and black, on such ground, there can be no greater abomination (p. 156). Despite the shortcomings of his viewpoint, influenced by the historical blood of whites and blacks in the U. S. , Riis nevertheless realizes that blacks are being pushed away from the very comparison promised to them as citizens, as Americans.Additionally, the poor native New Yorkers and immigrants who battalion the tenements, parcel of land a similar burden. Reduced by economic and social circumstance to merely subsist on the scraps of a society which has glum a blind eye to them, the pauper is in a position complimentary of hope, He is as hopeless as his own poverty (Riis, 1890, p. 246). Immigrants such as the Irish fared no better in Riis opinion, being particular vulnerable to the moral deterioration of slum life being the earliest and most thoroughly (Riis, 1890, p. 249) corrupted.The kind of separation between economic and racial portions of society, as well as the defense of one while the opposite remains degraded, is a common thread that runs throughout the permutes of the last degree Celsius in Americas identity. The 1896 Supreme Court ruling in the case of Plessy vs. Ferguson legalized this type of segregation with the separate still equal predecent, providing a constitutional basis for Jim Crow laws to flourish and plant deeper roots in the American South. Though struck down over a fractional a century afterward by the Courts last in Brown vs.Board of Education, the realization of equality as American citizens regardless of race, religion, sexuality, gender, or economic status proved to not be so easy. While in 1881 Chester Arthur hoped to assimilate the Native American population into the broader reach of white society through re-education and removal of tribal affiliation and heritage, no such policy was established in regard to African Americans. As with the struggle for womens and gay rights, the struggle for African American equality culminated within the federation itself.The refusal of Southern lawmakers to rise out of the era of racism and embrace a new concept of American, as non-white and white side-by-side, created a necessity to action. As Martin Luther King Jr. s 1962 letter From a Birmingham Jail attempted to explain this need to the black power social organization which both supported and chastised him for his actions in Birmingham and across the South, unfortunate that demonstrations are victorious place in Birmingham, but it is even more unfortunate that the citys white power structure left the Negro community no alternative. More importantly, King understood the concept of the mutuality of the American community, whether it be black or white, male or female, which was picked up again by the youth culture that grew to embody a sense of change and challenge, as embodied in the Port Huron Statement. King noted in 1962 that, Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single do of destiny.Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. There is truth still in that statement, as well as in the ideals placement within other struggles for equality. It is a concept that not only did the student protesters understood but was an equal basis for Betty Friedans feminine Mystique and the rise of the feminist movement and later the push for gay rights and better federal programs to combat the AIDS crisis.Like the inequalities of the forward century, the poverty described by Riis and the racism inherent to the continued racial discrimination, the gender and sexuality issue that has come to a head over the past fifty years have effectively acted to undermine the consider definition of American while also harming the fabric of society. Disenfranchised people are left to stagnate rather than grow and instead of good change it boils over in emotion and uncertainty.The women in Friedans Feminine Mystique cannot name the hypocrisy of the countrys national values and the gender roles programmed into their psyche and are bowed under an enemy they cannot see. The hypocrisy of American identity has not evaporated but instead become more elusive to understand and identify to be American has built upon the ideals established by King and Friedan, whose spirit of questioning and rebellion have become part of what it is to be American even as new and more heterogeneous cracks have appeared in the facade of such a delicate but no less no dream of freedom and liberty. Both electric chair Bill Clinton and George W.Bush illustrate this new era of a globalized identity with in their respective inaugurations. Each faced challenges during their presidencies, differing on a wide-array of social and political issues. However, on the cusp of their first term they express the optimism and unfailing double-blindness of a nation which tries to steer its hope to the future while alternately cowering against and celebrating its past. unceasingly aware of our differences, America has attempted to celebrate this difference even as we continue to marginalize along the lines of race, religion, politics, social status, and gender.It is a cycle of self-hate and narcism that has become as much a part of the American identity as the mythological concept of the American dream. Bibliography Arthur, C. (1881). Indian Policy Reform. PBS. Retrieved 30 April 2010 from http//www. pbs. org/weta/thewest/resources/archives/seven/indpol. htm. Brown vs. Board. (1954). Find Law. Retrieved 30 April 2010 from http//caselaw. lp. findlaw. com/scripts/getcase. pl? court=US& adenosine monophosphatevol=347& group Ainvol=483. Friedan, B. (1962). Femini ne Mystique. H-Net. Retrieved 1 May 2010 from http//www. h-net. org/hst203/documents/friedan1. html. King, M.L. Jr. (1963). Letter From a Birmingham Jail. The Martin Luther King Jr. Research & Education Institute. Retrieved 1 May 2010 from http//mlk-kpp01. stanford. edu/kingweb/popular_requests/frequentdocs/birmingham. pdf. Plessy vs. Ferguson. (1896). Find Law. Retrieved 30 April 2010 from http//caselaw. lp. findlaw. com/scripts/getcase. pl? court=US&vol=163&invol=537. Riis, J. (1890). How The Other Half Lives. New York Charles Schribner & Sons. Google Books. Retrieved 1 May 2010 from http//books. google. com/books? id=zhcv_oA5dwgC&dq=How+the+Other+Half+Lives&source=gbs_navlinks_s.